Crimes Committed in the Name of "Honor"

last updated November 2008

Definition

 

Human Rights Watch defines honor crimes as “acts of violence, usually murder, committed by male family members against female family members who are perceived to have brought dishonor upon the family.” According to a report by Dr. Sherifa Zuhar of Women for Women’s Human Rights, honor killings may be motivated by “a perceived violation of the social norms of sexuality,” or they may be “crimes of passion, wherein a husband kills his wife whom he or other family members suspect of adultery.” U.N. Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women Radhika Coomaraswamy has described honor killings as one of many practices that “constitute a form of domestic violence but have avoided national and international scrutiny because they are seen as cultural practices that deserve tolerance and respect.”

 

Motives for honor killings have included: suspicion of adultery, premarital sex, or some other relationship between a woman and a man; being a victim of rape or sexual assault; refusing to enter an arranged marriage; seeking divorce or trying to escape marital violence; and falling in love with someone who is unacceptable to the victim’s family according to The Global Campaign to Stop Killing and Stoning Women! Even seemingly minor transgressions have been identified as the reasons for carrying out honor killings. In one case, a teenager in Turkey had her throat slit in a town square because someone had dedicated a love ballad to her on the radio. From: Report of the Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, its Causes and Consequences, Ms. Radhika Coomaraswamy, Submitted in Accordance with Commission on Human Rights Resolution 2001/49: Cultural Practices in the Family That Are Violent Towards Women, Commission on Human Rights, 31 January 2002.  Although the victims are most often women, men and boys may also be targeted for honor killings, usually when they are relatives, alleged partners, or “accomplices” of a female victim according to the Special Rapporteur Asma Jaha, Commission on Human Rights. Similarly, while men and boys are usually the perpetrators, women may be involved in, or supportive of, the commission of these crimes.  From: Haryana Family Kills Couple for Honour, International Campaign Against Honour Killings, 10 May 2008.

 

 

Prevalence

 

Honor killings represent a clear-cut violation of several fundamental human rights. In 2004, the U.N. General Assembly passed a resolution recognizing "that crimes against women committed in the name of honor are a human rights issue and that States have an obligation to exercise due diligence to prevent, investigate and punish the perpetrators of such crimes and to provide protection to the victims, and that the failure to do so constitutes a human rights violation." In other words, states have an affirmative duty to take measures to keep women safe from this type of violence, even though it is committed by private actors rather than the government. Specific treaty provisions that may be implicated by honor killings include Article 6 (the right to life) and Article 7 (freedom from torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Both the right to life and freedom from torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment are also contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Articles 3 and 5, respectively), and both have become international customary law or jus cogens, from which states may not derogate under any circumstances.

 

The number of honor killings each year may be as high as 5,000, according to the United Nations Population Fund. The U.N. General Assembly has noted that crimes committed in the name of honor occur “in all regions of the world.” Specifically, countries where these murders have occurred include Bangladesh, Brazil, Ecuador, Egypt, India, Israel, Italy, Jordan, Morocco, Pakistan, Sweden, Turkey, Uganda, the United Kingdom, Iran, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, Germany, and France.

 

As stated by the U.N. General Assembly, "crimes committed in the name of honour...take many different forms." In the Pakistani province of Sindh, honor killings may take the form of Karo-Kari killings, which refer to the murders of a man (Karo) and woman (Kari) who have brought dishonor to their families. Often the woman is killed first, so that the man hears about the murder in time to escape. In Jordan and Turkey, a family may assemble to select a murderer or an individual may act without family input, sometimes in response to comments from other members of the community. In Brazil, men who kill their wives after discovering their alleged adultery are often acquitted by juries who view this type of murder as a legitimate defense of honor. In fact, many countries’ legal systems allow such a defense, and even though it has been banned from jury instructions in Brazil, juries continue to acquit.

 

According to the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, honor killings are becoming more common as the concept of honor broadens and the types of behavior understood to damage it become more numerous. Economic and social issues are also factors in the increase in honor killings. Amnesty International has pointed to “the progressive brutalization of society due to conflict and war, increased access to heavy weapons, economic decline and social frustration.”

 

Although honor killings are often associated by popular media with Muslim communities, they are not unique to Muslim-majority societies and Islamic leaders have condemned honor killings and said they have no religious basis according to The State of World Population 2000—Lives Together, Worlds Apart: Men and Women in a Time of Change, written by the United Nations Population Fund in 2000. Some scholars suggest that honor killings in the Middle East can be distinguished from those in other parts of the world by their characterization less as uncontrolled, excusable crimes of passion and more as inherently just acts in defense of men’s honor and society’s values. From: Rana Lehr-Lehnardt, Treat Your Women Well: Comparisons and Lessons from an Imperfect Example Across the Waters, 26 S. Ill. Univ. L. J. 403, 418 (2002).Others argue that the distinction between honor killings and crimes of passion is convoluted and causes these killings to be considered a cultural or racial issue rather than part of a global pattern of violence against women, a problem whose seriousness is not fully recognized by any society. From: Sherene H. Razack, Imperilled Muslim Women, Dangerous Muslim Men and Civilised Europeans: Legal and Social Responses to Forced Marriages, 12 Feminist Legal Studies 129, 151 (2004).

 

Causes

 

The prevalence of honor killings in many different societies is caused by a variety of factors, including cultural norms, legal provisions that permit reduced punishments for killings committed in the name of honor or passion, legal systems and law enforcement actors tolerant of honor killings, and social and economic factors.

 

Honor killings are often said to have cultural roots in the concept of honor, as well as in overall patterns of discrimination and stereotypical male and female roles that cast women in inferior positions. A U.N. Population Fund report on honor killings in Turkey noted that the belief that familial and male honor are dependent on the control of women and girls leads to the exclusion of females from the public sphere in addition to crimes committed against them in the private sphere. The report found that some individuals interviewed in Turkey "approached honor as 'the most important thing and above everything else in their lives' though they could not define it more concretely." Others related the concept of honor clearly to women, sexual relations, girls’ virginity and marital infidelity, all of which were believed to necessitate male control over female relatives. Among professionals with higher education, non-governmental organizations’ (NGO) activists and people living in large cities, perceptions of honor were broader, encompassing general morals and decency in human relations rather than just women’s sexuality according to the U.N. Population Fund report.

 

Cultural influences often combine with legal systems that treat honor killings as less serious than ordinary murders to assure potential killers that they will be punished lightly, if at all. Differential treatment of honor killings by the law has deep roots. Many laws that excuse honor killings are derived from Article 192 of the Napoleonic Code, which says that if a man commits a crime with an “honorable motive” he will go free. In many societies, the notion of an “honorable motive” has been combined with cultural conceptions of women as the embodiment of their male family members’ honor to produce the belief that men are justified in killing women whose behavior is somehow dishonorable.

 

There are many examples of legal provisions that are more lenient toward honor killings than they are toward other murders. Jordanian Law No. 16, Article 340 provides a reduced sentence for a male who kills a female relative engaged in illicit sex, while Article 98 provides a reduced sentence for someone committing a crime in a “fit of fury.” As applied, “fury” is typically presumed in cases involving “honor.” Article 237 of the Egyptian Penal Code reduces punishment from life in prison to only three to seven years for the murder of a wife (but not a husband) caught in an adulterous act. In Haiti, Article 269 of the Penal Code states that “in the case of adultery as provided for in Article 284, the murder by a husband of his wife and/or her partner, immediately upon discovering them in flagrante delicto in the conjugal abode, is to be pardoned.” The law is not applicable to murder by a wife of her husband.

 

In addition to the law itself, the legal system and law enforcement actors may reinforce the belief that men who kill their female family members in the name of honor or passion are less culpable than other murderers. For example, in Pakistan, police often do not investigate honor killings on the grounds that the crime was justified by culture and tradition. From:  Manar Waheed, Domestic Violence in Pakistan: The Tension Between Intervention & Sovereign Autonomy in Human Rights Law, Note, 29 Brooklyn J. Int’l L. 937, 952 (2004). Waheed also reports that the court system allows a crime victim or her heirs to absolve the perpetrator of prosecution through forgiveness at any step of the process. In Jordan, people who threaten their female family members are not prosecuted for those threats, even though they are illegal according to a Human Rights Watch report. At most, the police make the threatened woman’s family promise not to harm her. In the Palestinian territories, judges can halve a murderer’s sentence if the victim’s family waives the right to file a complaint for murder, sometimes resulting in a sentence as short as six months. If the defendant has already served that much time awaiting trial, he may be released at the trial’s end.

 

The intersection of culture and law can also lead to lax punishment of murders purportedly committed in the name of honor when a legal system allows a defendant to use his membership in a minority culture as a defense. For example, in the trial of Dong Lu Chen for the brutal 1989 murder of his wife in New York, the defense introduced testimony from an anthropologist who claimed that a “reasonable” Chinese man would react with violent rage to his wife’s admission that she was having an affair.  From: Sita Reddy, Temporarily Insane: Pathologising Cultural Difference in American Criminal Courts, 24 Sociology of Health & Illness 667, 2002. Reddy reported that the judge believed that Chen was “just the product of his culture,” and because he was unable to control his culturally-induced violent reaction, Chen was found guilty of the reduced charge of second-degree manslaughter and received a punishment of just five years on probation.

 

Advocates have strongly challenged the use of culture as a justification for reduced punishment of certain murders. For example, Leti Volpp argues that the Chen case is an example of defense attorneys promoting “politically expedient stereotypes as to culture… which play into already existing notions of how barbaric” Asian cultures are. From: Leti, Volpp, Cultural Defenses in the Criminal Legal System, Asian & Pacific Islander Institute on Domestic Violence, last accessed 8 August 2008. This defense amounts to exploitation of racism. According to Volpp, when cultural explanations become dominant, other factors influencing people’s actions become invisible, reducing the possibility for social change.

 

Similarly, scholar Sherene H. Razack cautions that an overemphasis on culture as a factor in honor killings among Muslim immigrant communities in the West can lead to racism against members of those communities. From: Sherene H. Razack, Imperilled Muslim Women, Dangerous Muslim Men and Civilised Europeans: Legal and Social Responses to Forced Marriages, 12 Feminist Legal Studies 129, 163, 165 (2004). Razack concludes that this racism causes isolation of Muslim young people from the rest of society, while compelling older generations to attempt to fortify their besieged culture by adhering more strictly to traditional practices and seeking marriage partners for their children in their countries of origin, furthering the isolation. Razack believes a better approach to this type of violence is to recognize the material, political, and historical factors that give rise to specific forms of violence against women, and create space for internal contestation of patriarchal norms.

 

The Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women has recognized “economic and social issues” as factors contributing to honor killings. Some scholars have suggested that lack of economic development and opportunity causes poor men to value “honor” as a means of gaining and maintaining status in their communities. From: Rachel A. Ruane, Murder in the Name of Honor: Violence Against Women in Jordan and Pakistan, 14 Emory Int’l L. Rev. 1523, 1572 (2000). Others have noted that the growing desire to control women’s actions could be a backlash against women’s increasing entry into the public sphere. From: Barbara Stark, Women, Globalization, and Law: A Change of World, 16 Pace Int’l L. Rev. 333, 359 (2004).

 

Consequences

 

According to The State of World Population 2000—Lives Together, Worlds Apart: Men and Women in a Time of Change, a report by the United Nations Population Fund, the most obvious consequences of honor killings are the deaths of thousands of women each year. However, honor killings have many other effects, and the fear of becoming a victim can profoundly affect a woman’s life. 

 

In many cases, the threats a woman receives from her family are so severe that she is driven to suicide. Although it is not always possible to determine whether the cause of death was suicide or homicide masked as suicide, the Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women concluded that it is clear that many women have taken their lives after being coerced to do so by a family that would prefer not to risk sending a male relative to prison for killing her. For example, suicides have reportedly increased in Turkey since the law there has been changed to punish honor killings more severely. From; Dan Bilefsky, How to Avoid Honor Killing in Turkey? Honor Suicide, New York Times, 16 July 2006.

 

In other cases, reports Human Rights Watch, women identified as potential victims of honor killings because their families have either vowed to kill them or tried and failed are incarcerated indefinitely for their protection. At one time, 112 of the 220 women incarcerated in Jordan were imprisoned for their own protection rather than for commission of violent crimes. From: Ferris K. Nesheiwat, Honor Crimes in Jordan: Their Treatment Under Islamic and Jordanian Criminal Laws, 23 Penn State Int’l L. Rev. 251, 259 (2004). In the Al-Raida newsletter, Rana Husseini reported that Prison officials have tried to make conditions more tolerable for these women by separating them from convicted women and offering vocational and academic classes. Ultimately, though, the women do not have the freedom to leave prison unless officials decide that they are no longer in danger. The Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women has acknowledged this type of incarceration as a form of “violence towards women.”

 

Women, and some men, who fear honor killings in their home countries sometimes seek asylum in another country where they believe they will be safe. One woman was granted asylum in the United States primarily on the basis of gender because she feared becoming the victim of an honor killing if she returned to Pakistan after refusing an arranged marriage. From:  Michael G. Heyman, Domestic Violence and Asylum: Toward a Working Model of Affirmative State Obligations, 17 Int’l J. Refugee L. 729, 745-46, (2005). Heyman noted that the legal brief in her case highlighted the confluence of discriminatory laws and a pervasive culture of violence against women, along with the Pakistani government’s inaction and acquiescence. In another case, a Palestinian man was granted asylum in the United States because he feared being killed if he returned to Jordan. From: Susan S. Blum, The Illegal Immigration Reform & Immigrant Responsibility Act’s One-Year Filing Deadline on Applications for Asylum: The Narrow Interpretation and Application of Exceptions to the Filing Deadline, 22 Georgia State Univ. L. Rev. 463, 478-79, (2005). According to Blum, he had entered into a relationship with a Jordanian woman whose family would not accept him because of his ethnicity, and obtained asylum based on his membership in the persecuted social group of “non-original Jordanian males involved in non-marital relationships with ‘original Jordanian females.’” Despite these and other examples of successful asylum applications, Human Rights Watch cautions that asylum is an “extreme option” and an unrealistic solution, since most women do not have passports and in some countries, such as Jordan, a woman cannot obtain a passport without the written permission of her husband.

 

Even when women are not coerced into suicide, incarcerated, or forced to flee their homelands, their actions may be curtailed in many ways by the fear of honor killing. For instance, a woman may choose not to report rape because the violation she has suffered could be considered a stain on her family’s honor that would justify them in killing her. From: Moeen H. Cheema, Cases and Controversies: Pregnancy as Proof of Guilt Under Pakistan’s Hudood Laws, 32 Brooklyn J. Int’l L. 121, 138 (2006). Women also stay in abusive marriages for fear of being killed if they seek divorce, and abandon children born out-of-wedlock for fear of being killed if the children are discovered. From: Laura M. Thomason, On the Steps of the Mosque: The Legal Rights of Non-Marital Children in Egypt, 19 Hastings Women’s L. J. 121, 121-122 (2008).

 

Honor killings that are actually carried out, and then ignored or barely penalized, generate cycles of violence fed by impunity. Perpetrators of honor killings who are aware of how offenders have been treated in the past often identify themselves to law enforcement authorities, confident that they will be punished lightly if at all. From: Catherine Warrick, The Vanishing Victim: Criminal Law and Gender in Jordan, 39 L. & Society Rev. 315, 327, (2005). A more direct cycle of violence occurs in some cases where the victim’s family is distinct from the perpetrator’s family. In these cases, when a court rules in favor of the victim, she and her family may face violent reprisals from the convicted perpetrator’s family. From: Marie D. Castetter, Taking Law Into Their Own Hands: Unofficial and Illegal Sanctions by the Pakistani Tribal Councils, 13 Indiana Int’l & Comparative L. Rev. 543, 563-564 (2003).

 

Law & Policy

 

As discussed above, the U.N. General Assembly passed a resolution in 2004 that recognizes honor killings as a violation of human rights. The resolution, entitled “Working towards the elimination of crimes against women and girls committed in the name of honour,” calls upon states to take various actions, such as: intensifying investigation, prosecution, and punishment of crimes of honor; raising awareness of the need to eliminate crimes of honor and promote gender equality; improving support services for actual and potential victims; and collecting and sharing data on the occurrence of these crimes.

 

Another U.N. body that has addressed the issue of honor killings in several instances is the CEDAW Committee. The Committee’s General Recommendation No. 19 on Violence Against Women states that legislation removing the defense of honor in cases of murder or assault of female family members is a “necessary [measure] to overcome family violence.” In 2007, fifteen years after General Recommendation No. 19 was promulgated, the Committee applied its advice specifically to Jordan in its Concluding Comments on that country’s combined third and fourth periodic report. The CEDAW Committee urged Jordan to eliminate reductions in punishment that can benefit perpetrators of honor killings and to replace protective custody (incarceration) with other measures to protect actual and potential victims without depriving them of their liberty. Also in 2007, the CEDAW Committee expressed concern that the enactment of a new law against honor killing in Pakistan has not stopped hundreds of honor killings from occurring there each year.

 

On a regional level, the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly passed Resolution 1327 on "So-called 'honour crimes'" in 2003. This resolution calls upon member states to take specific actions in the areas of prevention, prosecution and protection. In addition to ensuring that honor crimes are effectively investigated, prosecuted and penalized, the resolution calls on member states to "amend national asylum and immigration law in order to ensure that...a woman has the right to a residence permit, or even to asylum, in order to escape from 'honour crimes.'"

 

Many efforts to eliminate honor killings have focused on making changes to domestic laws in countries that have previously failed to appropriately punish offenders. Unfortunately, there is evidence that many of these legal changes have not been enough to quell the violence.

 

In Pakistan, a new law that took effect in 2005 acknowledged for the first time that honor killing is a crime and attempted to stiffen penalties for these murders, even mandating the death penalty under certain circumstances. From: Mazna Hussain, Take My Riches, Give Me Justice: A Contextual Analysis of Pakistan’s Honor Crimes Legislation, 29 Harv. J. L. & Gender 223, 239 (2006). The new law has many shortcomings, notes Hussain, including allowing the victim or her family to “forgive” the perpetrator, failing to appoint the government—rather than a relative—to be the victim’s heir, and containing no provision to ensure that involved parties other than the actual killer are held responsible. Observers declared the law ineffective when there were 267 documented honor killings in the first eleven months of 2005. From: Rachel Bubb, Reform of the Pakistani Rape Law: A Move Forward or Backward?, 11 J. Gender, Race & Justice 67, 80 (2007). Bubb suggests that one possible explanation for the continuing violence, besides the aforementioned defects of the law, is that courts may be choosing to acquit defendants in honor killing cases altogether, rather than mete out the harsh punishments mandated by the new law.

 

In Turkey, several changes have been made to the Penal Code in recent years. From: Turkish Civil and Penal Code Reforms from a Gender Perspective: The Success of Two Nationwide Campaigns, Women for Women’s Human Rights—New Ways, February 2005. Some articles that were once used to reduce sentences for the perpetrators of honor killings have been removed. Two articles have been amended to specifically address honor killings, but these changes have been criticized by women’s human rights groups for leaving loopholes. Article 29, which allows sentence reductions in certain circumstances, now states that it is not applicable to honor killings; however, it also specifically says that this may not be true for all honor killings. Article 82, which defines aggravating factors for homicide, now includes “killings in the name of custom.” Yet this change has been described as inadequate because “[t]he use of ‘custom’ instead of the internationally accepted term ‘honor killings’ limits the scope of the crime, as if it only exists in certain regions of Turkey where customs prevail, and fails to include different sorts of honor killings.” In addition, some observers believe that stiffer penalties are not deterring people from carrying out honor killings in Turkey, but only causing them to modify their methods. Rather than assigning the task of murder to a male relative under the age of 18, who before the new law would have been punished lightly because of his youth, families are now coercing women into committing suicide or killing them and disguising their deaths as suicides.  From: Dan Bilefsky, How to Avoid Honor Killing in Turkey? Honor Suicide, New York Times, 16 July 2006.

 

Governmental and Non-Governmental Response

 

Many of the actions taken by national governments and intergovernmental organizations to address the issue of honor killings have been spurred by the advocacy of non-governmental organizations. The U.N. General Assembly recognized the importance of this work in its resolution on honor killings, calling upon states “[t]o continue to support the work of civil society, including non-governmental organizations, in addressing this issue and to strengthen cooperation with intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations.”

 

The Global Campaign to Stop Killing and Stoning Women!, coordinated by Women Living Under Muslim Laws, disputes the validity of using religion and culture to justify practices like honor killing and sentencing women to death by stoning for perceived violations of social norms of sexuality. The Campaign draws connections between legal sanctions like stoning or whipping and extrajudicial honor killings, explaining that all of these laws and customs discriminatorily assign more guilt to women than to men for supposedly violating sexual norms. The Campaign encourages letter-writing and bringing publicity to particular cases as well as the overall issue, and urges individuals to try to focus the attention of their own governments and the United Nations system on these forms of violence against women.

 

The International Campaign Against Honour Killings seeks to raise awareness of the issue and build a network among those working to end honor killings and other forms of violence against women. On its website, this Campaign publishes daily updates on honor killings that have taken place around the world, as well as other forms of violence against women, such as forced and early marriages, and the actions taken by governments and intergovernmental organizations to address them.

 

The “Honour Crimes” Project, jointly coordinated by CIMEL (Centre of Islamic and Middle Eastern Laws) at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London University and INTERIGHTS (International Centre for the Legal Protection of Human Rights), has created an annotated bibliography, case summaries, and a directory of individuals and groups addressing the issue of honor killings around the world.

 

Compiled from:

 

“Cases and Controversies: Pregnancy as Proof of Guilt Under Pakistan’s Hudood Laws,” Moeen H. Cheema, 32 Brooklyn J. Int’l L. 121, 2006.

Civil and Political Rights, Including the Question of Disappearances and Summary Executions: Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions,” Special Rapporteur Asma Jaha, Commission on Human Rights, 22 December 2003.

Concluding Comments of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women: Jordan, Combined Third and Fourth Periodic Report,” Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, August 2007.

Concluding Comments of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women: Turkey, Combined Fourth and Fifth Periodic Report,” Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, January 2005.

Cultural Defenses in the Criminal Legal System,” Leti Volpp, Asian & Pacific Islander Institute on Domestic Violence, last accessed 8 August 2008.

“Domestic Violence and Asylum: Toward a Working Model of Affirmative State Obligations,” Michael G. Heyman, 17 Int’l J. Refugee L. 729, 2005.

“Domestic Violence in Pakistan: The Tension Between Intervention & Sovereign Autonomy in Human Rights Law,” Manar Waheed, Note, 29 Brooklyn J. Int’l L. 937, 2004.

The Dynamics of Honor Killings in Turkey: Prospects for Action,” Filiz Kardam, United Nations Population Fund, 2007.

Embedding Human Rights into Business Practice,” United Nations Global Compact and Office of the High Commissioner of Human Rights, November 2004.

Expert Committee Expresses Concern Over Stereotypes, Violence Against Women, As It Takes Up Pakistan’s First Report on Compliance with Anti-Discrimination Treaty,” General Assembly Department of Public Information, News and Media Division, 22 May 2007.

Frequently Asked Questions About ‘Honour Killing,’” The Global Campaign to Stop Killing and Stoning Women!, last accessed 8 August 2008.

Gender, Sexuality and the Criminal Laws in the Middle East and North Africa: A Comparative Study,” Sherifa Zuhur, Women for Women’s Human Rights—New Ways, February 2005.

General Recommendation No. 19,” Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, 1992.

The Global Campaign to Stop Killing and Stoning Women!, last accessed 8 August 2008.

Haryana Family Kills Couple for Honour,” International Campaign Against Honour Killings, 10 May 2008.

“Honor Crimes in Jordan: Their Treatment Under Islamic and Jordanian Criminal Laws,” Ferris K. Nesheiwat, 23 Penn State Int’l L. Rev. 251, 2004.

Honoring the Killers: Justice Denied for ‘Honor’ Crimes in Jordan,” Human Rights Watch, April 2004.

“Honour” Crimes Project, last accessed 8 August 2008.

How to Avoid Honor Killing in Turkey? Honor Suicide,” Dan Bilefsky, New York Times, 16 July 2006.

“The Illegal Immigration Reform & Immigrant Responsibility Act’s One-Year Filing Deadline on Applications for Asylum: The Narrow Interpretation and Application of Exceptions to the Filing Deadline,” Susan S. Blum, 22 Georgia State Univ. L. Rev. 463, 2005.

“Imperilled Muslim Women, Dangerous Muslim Men and Civilised Europeans: Legal and Social Responses to Forced Marriages,” Sherene H. Razack, 12 Feminist Legal Studies 129, 2004.

Imprisonment to Protect Women Against ‘Crimes of Honor’: A Dual Violation of Civil Rights,” Rana Husseini, 19 Al-Raida 40, 2001.

International Campaign Against Honour Killings, last accessed 8 August 2008.

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,” adopted and opened for signature, ratification and accession by General Assembly resolution 2200A (XXI), 16 December 1966, entered into force 23 March 1976.

Item 12—Integration of the human rights of women and the gender perspective: Violence Against Women and ‘Honor’ Crimes,” Human Rights Watch Oral Intervention at the 57th Session of the UN Commission on Human Rights, 6 April 2001.

“Murder in the Name of Honor: Violence Against Women in Jordan and Pakistan,” Rachel A. Ruane, 14 Emory Int’l L. Rev. 1523, 2000.

“On the Steps of the Mosque: The Legal Rights of Non-Marital Children in Egypt,” Laura M. Thomason, 19 Hastings Women’s L. J. 121, 2008.

A Question of Security: Violence Against Palestinian Women and Girls,” Human Rights Watch, November 2006.

“Reform of the Pakistani Rape Law: A Move Forward or Backward?,” Rachel Bubb, 11 J. Gender, Race & Justice 67, 2007.

Report of the Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, its Causes and Consequences, Ms. Radhika Coomaraswamy, Submitted in Accordance with Commission on Human Rights Resolution 2001/49: Cultural Practices in the Family That Are Violent Towards Women,” Commission on Human Rights, 31 January 2002.

Resolution 1327: So-Called ‘Honour Crimes,’” Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly, adopted 4 April 2003.

The State of World Population 2000—Lives Together, Worlds Apart: Men and Women in a Time of Change,” United Nations Population Fund, 2000.

“‘Take My Riches, Give Me Justice’: A Contextual Analysis of Pakistan’s Honor Crimes Legislation,” Mazna Hussain, 29 Harv. J. L. & Gender 223, 2006.

“Taking Law Into Their Own Hands: Unofficial and Illegal Sanctions by the Pakistani Tribal Councils,” Marie D. Castetter, 13 Indiana Int’l & Comparative L. Rev. 543, 2003.

Temporarily Insane: Pathologising Cultural Difference in American Criminal Courts,” Sita Reddy, 24 Sociology of Health & Illness 667, 2002.

 

“Treat Your Women Well: Comparisons and Lessons from an Imperfect Example Across the Waters,” Rana Lehr-Lehnardt, 26 S. Ill. Univ. L. J. 403, 2002.

Turkish Civil and Penal Code Reforms from a Gender Perspective: The Success of Two Nationwide Campaigns,” Women for Women’s Human Rights—New Ways, February 2005.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” adopted and proclaimed by General Assembly Resolution 217 A (III), 10 December 1948.

“The Vanishing Victim: Criminal Law and Gender in Jordan,” Catherine Warrick, 39 L. & Society Rev. 315, 2005.

“Women, Globalization, and Law: A Change of World,” Barbara Stark, 16 Pace Int’l L. Rev. 333, 2004.

Working Towards the Elimination of Crimes Against Women and Girls Committed in the Name of Honour,” U.N. General Assembly Resolution, 15 October 2004.

 

12-Year-Old Murdered in the Name of ‘Honour,’” International Campaign Against Honour Killings, 21 April 2008.